The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama
(Dharamsala | March 10, 1996)
The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 37th Anniversary
of Tibetan National Uprising Day on 10 March 1996 Dharamsala
As we commemorate today the thirty seventh anniversary of the
Tibetan people's uprising, we are witnessing a general hardening
of Chinese government policy. This is reflected in an increasingly
aggressive posture towards the peoples of Taiwan and Hong Kong and
in intensified repression in Tibet. We also see rising fear and
suspicion throughout the Asia-Pacific region and a worsening of
relations between China and much of the rest of the world.
Within the context of this tense political atmosphere, Beijing
has once again sought to impose its will on the Tibetan people by
appointing a rival Panchen Lama. In doing so, it has chosen a course
of total disregard both for the sentiments of the Tibetans in general
and for Tibetan spiritual tradition in particular, despite my every
effort to reach for some form of understanding and cooperation
with the Chinese government. Significantly, the official Chinese
media compares the present political climate in Tibet with that in
Poland during the Solidarity years of the 1980's. This demonstrates
a growing sense of insecurity on the part of the Chinese leadership
as a result of which, through a continuing campaign of coercion
and intimidation, Beijing has greatly reinforced its repression
throughout Tibet. I am therefore saddened to have to report that
the situation of our people in Tibet continues to deteriorate.
Nevertheless, it remains my strong conviction that change for the
better is coming. China is at a critical junction: its society is
undergoing profound changes and the country's leadership is facing
the transition to a new generation. It is obvious too that the
Tiananmen massacre has failed to silence the call for freedom,
democracy and human rights in China. Moreover, the impressive
democratization in process across the Taiwan Strait must further
invigorate the democratic aspirations of the Chinese people. Indeed,
Taiwan's historic first direct presidential elections later this
month are certain to have an immense political and psychological
impact on their minds. A transformation from the current totalitarian
regime in Beijing into one which is more open, free and democratic
is thus inevitable. The only outstanding question is how and when
and whether the transition will be a smooth one.
As a human being, it is my sincere desire that our Chinese brothers
and sisters enjoy freedom, democracy, prosperity and stability. As
a Buddhist monk, I am of course concerned that a country which
is home to almost a quarter of the world's entire population
and which is on the brink of an epic change, should undergo that
change peacefully. In view of China's huge population, chaos and
instability could lead to large-scale bloodshed and tremendous
suffering for millions of people. Such a situation would also
have serious ramifications for peace and stability throughout the
world. As a Tibetan, I recognize that the future of our country
and our people depends to a great extent on what happens in China
during the years ahead.
Whether the coming change in China brings new life and new hope
for Tibet and whether China herself emerges as a reliable, peaceful
and constructive member of the international community depends to
a large degree on the extent to which the international community
itself adopts responsible policies towards China. I have always
drawn attention to the need to bring Beijing into the mainstream of
world democracy and have spoken against any idea of isolating and
containing China. To attempt to do so would be morally incorrect and
politically impractical. Instead, I have always counselled a policy
of responsible and principled engagement with the Chinese leadership.
It became obvious during the Tiananmen movement that the Chinese
people yearn for freedom, democracy, equality and human rights no
less than any other people. Moreover, I was personally very moved to
see that those young people, despite being taught that "political
power comes out of the barrel of a gun" pursued their aims without
resorting to violence. I, too, am convinced that non-violence is
the appropriate way to bring about constructive political change.
Based on my belief in non-violence and in dialogue, I have
consistently tried to engage the Chinese government in serious
negotiations concerning the future of the Tibetan people. In
order to find a mutually acceptable solution, I have adopted a
`middle-way' approach. This is also in response to, and within the
framework of, Mr. Deng Xiaoping's stated assurance that "anything
except independence can be discussed and resolved". Unfortunately,
the Chinese government's response to my many overtures has been
consistently negative. But, I remain confident that his successors
will realize the wisdom of resolving the problem of Tibet through
dialogue.
The Tibet issue will neither go away of its own accord, nor can it be
wished away. As the past has clearly shown, neither intimidation nor
coercion of the Tibetan people can force a solution. Sooner or later,
the leadership in Beijing will have to face this fact. Actually,
the Tibet problem represents an opportunity for China. If it were
solved properly through negotiation, not only would it be helpful in
creating a political atmosphere conducive to the smooth transition
of China into a new era but also China's image throughout the
world would be greatly enhanced. A properly negotiated settlement
would furthermore have a strong, positive impact on the peoples of
both Hong Kong and Taiwan and will do much to improve Sino-Indian
relations by inspiring genuine trust and confidence.
For our part, we seek to resolve the issue of Tibet in a spirit of
reconciliation, compromise and understanding. I am fully committed
to the spirit of the `middle-way approach'. We wish to establish
a sustainable relationship with China based on mutual respect,
mutual benefit and friendship. In doing so, we will think not
only about the fundamental interests of the Tibetan people, but
also take seriously the consideration of China's security concerns
and her economic interests. Moreover, if our Buddhist culture can
flourish once again in Tibet, we are confident of being able to make
a significant contribution to millions of our Chinese brothers and
sisters by sharing with them those spiritual and moral values which
are so clearly lacking in China today.
Despite the absence of positive and conciliatory gestures from
the Chinese government to my initiatives, I have always encouraged
Tibetans to develop personal relationships with Chinese. I make it a
point to ask the Tibetans to distinguish between the Chinese people
and the policies of the totalitarian government in Beijing. I am
thus happy to observe that there has been significant progress in
our efforts to foster closer interaction amongst the people of our
two communities, mainly between exile Tibetans and Chinese living
abroad. Moreover, human rights activists and democrats within China,
people like the brave Wei Jingsheng, are urging their leaders to
respect the basic human rights of the Tibetan people and pledging
their support of our right to self-rule. Chinese scholars outside
China are discussing a constitution for a federated China which
envisages a confederal status for Tibet. These are most encouraging
and inspiring developments. I am, therefore, very pleased that
the people-to-people dialogue between the Tibetans and Chinese
is fostering a better understanding of our mutual concerns and
interests.
In recent years we have also witnessed the growth of a world-wide
grass-roots movement in support of our non-violent struggle for
freedom. Reflecting this, many governments and parliaments have
come forward with strong expressions of concern and support for
our efforts. Notwithstanding the immediate negative reactions of
the Chinese regime, I strongly believe that such expressions of
international support are essential. They are vital in communicating
a sense of urgency to the minds of leadership in Beijing and in
helping persuade them to negotiate.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank the numerous
individuals, also the members of governments, of parliaments,
of non-governmental organizations and of religious orders who
have supported my appeal for the safety and freedom of the young
Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima. I am grateful for their
continued intervention and efforts on behalf of this child who
must be the world's youngest political prisoner. I also wish to
thank our supporters all over the world who are commemorating
today's anniversary of the Tibetan people's uprising with peaceful
activities in every part of the globe. I urge the Chinese government
not to construe such support for Tibet as anti-Chinese. The purpose
and aim of these activities is to appeal to the Chinese leadership
and people to recognize the legitimate rights of the Tibetan people.
In conclusion, I am happy to state today that our exile community's
experiment in democracy is progressing well without any major
setbacks or difficulties. Last autumn, the Tibetans in exile
participated in preliminary polls to nominate candidates for the
Twelfth Assembly of the Tibetan People's Deputies, the parliament in
exile. Next month, they return to the polls to elect the members
themselves. This accords with my conviction that democracy is
the best guarantee for the survival and future of the Tibetan
people. Democracy entails responsibilities as well as rights. The
success of our struggle for freedom will therefore depend directly
on our ability to shoulder these collectively. It is thus my hope
that the Twelfth Assembly will emerge as a united, mature and
dedicated representative of our people. This will ultimately depend
on every franchised member of our community. Each one is called
upon to cast his or her vote with an informed and unbiased mind,
with a clear awareness of the need of the hour and with a strong
sense of individual responsibility.
With my homage to the brave men and women of Tibet, who have died for
the cause of our freedom, I pray for an early end to the suffering
of our people.
The Dalai Lama
March 10, 1996
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