The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama
(Dharamsala | March 10, 1995)
The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 36th Anniversary
of Tibetan National Uprising Day on 10 March 1994 Dharamsala
The world is today undergoing major changes. While there is a spirit
of reconciliation and peace emerging in many troubled parts of the
world, unfortunately new conflicts are also breaking out. We have
endeavoured to find a peaceful resolution to the Tibetan issue
and hoped that positive changes would also come to Tibet. But,
as we commemorate the 36th anniversary of our people's uprising,
I must state with sadness that little has changed in our homeland
and our people continue to suffer. In fact, the Chinese government
has intensified its repression in Tibet. Recent Chinese policies
demonstrate more clearly than ever their intention to resolve
the question of Tibet through force, intimidation and population transfer.
The Chinese authorities have lately adopted a series of new
measures to tighten political control in Tibet. Under a programme of
"investigation and scrutiny " tighter security measures were imposed
and a new crackdown on advocates of human rights and independence
has been launched. Victims of this new political persecution
include Tibetans who work for the preservation of Tibetan culture,
which includes teaching the Tibetan language and opening private
schools. Tibetan cadres and members of the Chinese Communist Party
are made to undergo political reeducation, reminiscent of the days
of the Cultural Revolution. Those suspected of harbouring religious
and national feelings are being purged. Monasteries have been raided
by the People's Armed Police and the chain of political arrests has
now been extended to rural areas. The rebuilding and construction
of new monasteries has been prohibited and the admission of new
monks and nuns stopped. Tibetan travel agents and tourist guides
have been dismissed in order to control the flow of information
and Tibetan children are no longer permitted to study abroad. Those
who are presently studying abroad have been ordered to return.
At a high-level meeting in Beijing last July these policies were
sanctioned and 62 new "economic development projects" in Tibet
were announced. As in the past, these projects are designed
primarily to increase the immigration of Chinese into Tibet and
ultimately drown the Tibetans in a sea of Chinese. Similarly,
China's proclaimed intention to build a railway to Central Tibet
is particularly alarming. Under the present circumstances this
will enable a dramatic acceleration of China's population transfer
policy. We only need to look at the large influx of Chinese who are
arriving by train every week in different parts of Eastern Turkestan
to understand the impact such a railway will have on the survival
of the Tibetan people with its unique cultural heritage.
Over the past 15 years, I have tried to resolve the Tibet-China
problem in a spirit of genuine friendship and cooperation, discarding
any feelings of enmity towards the Chinese. I have consistently and
sincerely made attempts to engage the Chinese government in earnest
negotiations over the future of Tibet. Regrettably China has rejected
my proposals for a negotiated resolution of our problem. Instead she
has set the pre-condition that I formally recognise Tibet to be "an
inseparable part of China", before any negotiations can start. The
true nature of the historical relationship of Tibet and China is
best left for Tibetan and Chinese historians to study objectively. I
also encourage other scholars, as well as international jurists and
their institutions, to study the history of Tibet and draw their
unbiased conclusions.
In the past I have deliberately restrained myself from emphasising
the historical and legal status of Tibet. It is my belief that
it is more important to look forward to the future than dwell in
the past. Theoretically speaking it is not impossible that the
six million Tibetans could benefit from joining the one billion
Chinese of their own free will, if a relationship based on equality,
mutual benefit and mutual respect could be established. If China
wants Tibet to stay with China, then she must create the necessary
conditions. However, the reality today is that Tibet is an occupied
country under colonial rule. This is the essential issue which must
be addressed and resolved through negotiations.
In the past few years our cause has gained increasing international
importance and support. This is reflected in the United Nations'
debates on the situation in Tibet: in the General Assembly's Third
Committee, in the Commission for Human Rights, and in the reports
of the United Nation's Rapporteurs. Last year I appealed to the
international community for help in facilitating negotiations between
my representatives and the Chinese government. A number of Asian
and Western governments have supported my call for negotiations
publicly and through diplomatic channels and have offered their
good offices to bring them about. I take this opportunity to
thank these governments for their support. It is important that
the international community, and especially democratic countries,
continue to send a clear message to China that their behaviour in
Tibet is deplorable and that the question of Tibet must be resolved
through peaceful negotiations without pre-conditions. The need to
make real progress in resolving the problem of Tibet is urgent The
present lack of progress increases the danger of violent conflicts
breaking out in Tibet.
Many Tibetans have voiced unprecedented criticism of my
suggestion that we should compromise on the issue of total
independence. Moreover, the failure of the Chinese government to
respond positively to my conciliatory proposals has deepened the
sense of impatience and frustration among my people. Therefore,
I proposed last year that this issue be submitted to a
referendum. However, as long as I lead our freedom struggle, there
will be no deviation from the path of non-violence.
The referendum should seek to clarify the political course of our
struggle. A thorough and honest discussion of the various options
open to us must take place among the Tibetan people. I hope that this
historic exercise will be carried out carefully and thoroughly. I
realise that under the present conditions it would be impossible
to hold a fair referendum inside Tibet. Nevertheless, we will be
able to find ways to collect representative opinions from different
parts of Tibet and to conduct the plebiscite properly among our
exiled community.
While we prepare ourselves for this referendum, I also wish to state
that I remain open to any Chinese overtures for negotiations. I
am still committed to the spirit of my "middle way" approach, and
I am hopeful that continued international efforts to persuade the
Chinese government to enter into negotiations with us may eventually
yield tangible results. Our negotiating team remains ready to resume
talks any time at a mutually agreeable venue. Sooner or later, a
flexible and open-minded Chinese leadership must realise the wisdom
of resolving the issue of Tibet through negotiations in a spirit of
reconciliation and compromise. This is the only proper way to ensure
stability, which the Chinese leadership assert, is their primary
concern. However, true stability must be based on the mutual trust,
consent and benefit of all concerned, not on the use of force.
Tibet's geographic position in the heart of Asia gives it enormous
strategic importance. For centuries Tibet acted as a buffer ensuring
peace in the region. The implications of China's presence in Tibet
go well beyond Tibet's borders. Over the last more than forty years
Tibet has undergone an unprecedented militarisation. Coupled with
the increased transfer of Chinese population into Tibet, this has
changed the peaceful character of the Tibetan plateau. If this
alarming trend continues, it will not only threaten the survival
of the Tibetan people and their culture, but will have serious
repercussions for the region as a whole.
Tibet's spiritual and cultural traditions have contributed to
peace in Asia. Buddhism not only turned Tibetans into a peace
loving nation following a period of great military might, but also
spread from the Himalayas to Mongolia and other places in Central
Asia and provided millions of people with a spiritual foundation of
peace and tolerance. Buddhism is not alien to China, and I strongly
believe that Buddhism can be of great service in providing spiritual
values, peace of mind, contentment and self-discipline to millions
of Chinese in the future.
With the occupation of Tibet, Tibetan Buddhism has been robbed of
its cradle and homeland, not only violating the Tibetan people's
right to freedom of religion but also endangering the very survival
of this rich spiritual and cultural tradition in Tibet and Central
Asia. This is particularly true of China's policy of cutting Tibet
up into many separate administrative units, most of which have been
incorporated into neighbouring Chinese provinces. Historically,
the contribution of Tibetans from these areas to Tibet's cultural
and spiritual heritage has been immense. But as tiny minorities in
Chinese provinces it will be very difficult for these Tibetans to
preserve their Buddhist culture and distinct identity in the long
term. The Tibetan entities outside the so-called Tibet Autonomous
Region (TAR) comprise a larger portion of the Tibetan area and
roughly four of the six million Tibetans. A solution to the question
of Tibet cannot be found without all these parts of Tibet being
incorporated into one Tibetan entity. This is essential to the
survival of Tibetan culture.
Finally, I wish to pay homage to the brave men and women of
Tibet, who have died for the cause of our freedom. I pray also
for our compatriots who are enduring mental and physical suffering
in Chinese prisons at this moment. Not one day passes without my
fervent prayers for an early end to the suffering of our people. I
believe that today the question is not whether Tibet will ever be
free, but rather how soon.
With my prayers,
The Dalai Lama
March 10, 1995
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