Chinese Dragon Or Uncle Sam's Cabin?
(by SR Nanda | The Statesman | December 15, 2002)
George Bush plans to go in for Nuclear Missile Defence to ensure
his country is not taken by surprise by a rogue state. India itself
faces this problem. A nuclear holocaust by any miscalculation or
intense hatred of a country considered hostile will be the end of
a civilised world.
Violent reactions are naturally expected from Russia, once a super
power and still a powerful nuclear state; and China with ambitions
to dominate Asia. Every country determines its perception of threat
and plans its defence accordingly. Weak nations seek allies as
happened after World War II, creating alliances such as NATO and
Warsaw pact. With the break up of the USSR, the US is the only super
power, militarily and financially. And they have no intention of
losing this status.
The strong criticism of America by our experts and opposition
political parties is surprising. Their main fear is that America
will become the sole super power and our endorsement will adversely
affect our relations with Asian allies. No names, however, are
mentioned. To be frank we have no friends in Asia or the world.
It is incomprehensible that our experts are ignorant of our recent
history since 1947. Mr Vajpayee has clarified that the aim of NMD is
to ensure safety of the world against any misadventure by a rogue
state. Bigotry and blind hatred developed over the years does not
help in international relations.
Fraternal:
Let us understand there are no permanent friends or permanent
enemies. Only the country's interests are permanent. Our governments
since 1947 flourished on slogans and sermons oblivious of threats
to the country. Let us have a brief look on our relations with
China and Pakistan. Nehru, of the imperious temperament, was
intolerant of any advice. He ignored Sardar Patel's 1950 suggestion
to beware of China. His gospel of non-violence, panch-sheel and
Hindi-Chini-Bhai-Bhai became the hallmark of our foreign policy. The
Chinese occupation of Tibet in March 1959 opened his eyes but it
was too late. The final humiliation came in November 1962 when
China launched an unprovoked attack in Arunachal Pradesh, which
shattered Nehru both physically and mentally.
At this hour of humiliation only two powers, America and Britain
came to our assistance, the two countries derided by us.
Our friends in the non-aligned movement, Nasser of Egypt and Tito of
Yugoslavia advised us restraint. For the Russians the Chinese were
their fraternal brothers and the Indians just friends. Let us never
forget this.
The Chinese again intruded in Arunachal in 1986 and occupied
Sum Dorong Chu Valley and still lay claim to Arunachal, Sikkim,
Darjeeling and 90,000 km, not yet specified, besides having occupied
Aksai Chin area. Recent reports by our ministry of defence that
every major city in India is within the reach of Chinese missiles
and that China is augmenting Pakistan's capabilities in its striking
power to include submarine launched ballistic missiles, in order
to achieve its goal of being a superpower in the Asian Continent,
somewhat akin to the South East Asia Co-Prosperity sphere the
Japanese had dreamt in World War II.
It is not only India that is wary of China but Vietnam and Japan as well.
Jane's Fighting Ships 2000-01,
the most authentic source of information on armed forces,
throws light on the latest Chinese
activities against India and Vietnam. In 1998 Beijing wrested
control of a number of Vietnamese islands in Spratly Islands in the
south Pacific and hence the latter has beefed its military presence
fearing a repeat episode.
None of its neighbours trusts China and I say this because
of my impressions during one year's stay in Vietnam, Laos and
Kampuchea. Though weak these countries are proud of their heritage
and refuse to accept Chinese lordship. In the 1970s, Vietnam was
invaded twice by the Chinese.
Nearer home, 'Tension in Indo-China Border' in
Jane's Intelligence Digest
in November 2000 is an eye opener. In the 18 months China
committed over "100 incursions especially in Ladakh and Arunachal
Pradesh at an alarming level." Chinese naval activity in the
Pacific and nuclear submarines seen in the Indian Ocean left no
option except to adopt a pro-active policy by India. No wonder
Vajpayee's government was forced to declare China as enemy no 1
and Pokhran tests II and III ordered in 1998. What a hue and cry
was raised in India then by political parties. But all kept silent
when China became a nuclear power. The CPI had not even condemned
China during the 1962 war.
Left's Betrayal:
According to the
Jane's Digest
even Japan is alarmed at the Chinese
activities in the Pacific and Indian Oceans. This is leading to
changing political equations in Southeast Asia. Even Malaysia and
Singapore are apprehensive. India has already established regular
defence consultations with Vietnam and Japan and held joint naval
exercises including Malaysia in 2000. Singapore has also agreed in
principle to join such exercises and one of its senior ministers
felt that China and Pakistan are rogue states. Recently our foreign
minister during June this year had also visited Australia and
New Zealand. There will be no peace unless we either surrender to
Chinese demands or we seek allies to checkmate China.
The Chinese ambassador to India has advised us not to support
the NMD. The Ambassador also feels that Russia, China and India
share similar views on world issues —
the latest kite flying exercise.
China has suddenly woken up to realities when its
hegemonism in Asia is threatened. India must be naive to fall in
their trap. Leftist intellectuals and prominent writers appeal for
a settlement. But on what terms? Why do they not appeal to the
Chinese to return Tibet to the Tibetans and openly declare that
they have no designs or claims on our territory?
One eminent writer has called our "endorsement of NMD as demeaning",
another thought it "long on flowery rhetoric, short on realism". Our
former foreign secretary, Salman Haidar wonders "how closely we
have weighed the implications of our decision on our traditional
friendships and established ties." But he is silent on who these
traditional friends are. We have none. The NDA government is trying
its best to have some.
With the kind of foreign policy expertise that we have we suffered
humiliation in 1962, and find ourselves in a mess in Jammu & Kashmir
and in the northeast. Surprisingly, the world ignores Chinese
hostility against India. I pose the following question: rather than
entering the Chinese Dragon or co-habiting with the Russian bear,
would it not be safer to enter what some writers have derisively
called "Uncle Sam's Cabin"? We gratefully accepted this shelter
in 1962. Now we have the strength somewhat to stand on our legs
after Pokhran tests II and III, and it should not be easy to kick
us around.
Sino-Pak Entente:
Hatred of India is the raison d'etre of Pakistan's existence.
It fought four wars with India between 1947 and 1999, and is waging a
proxy war for over a decade. China developed close relations with
Pakistan since 1966 on the basis of the old statecraft —
your enemy is my enemy.
Thanks to China's nuclear and missile technology,
Pakistan has attained nuclear status. During Chinese premier
Zhu Rongji's recent visit to Pakistan in May, he lauded General Musharraf
for the 1999 coup and praised him for establishing stability in Pakistan.
As a quid pro quo the General endorsed China's fear of
the NMD and TMD (Theatre Missile Defence).
Trade, commerce, and cultural relations are not feasible between
India and Pakistan while the two armies face each other in J&K and
Pakistan is engaged in proxy war against India. General Musharraf
has often threatened a nuclear war. Power is too serious a matter
to be left in the hands of generals, and absolute power corrupts
absolutely.
During the 20th century two generals changed the future of their
countries and enhanced their prestige the world over —
General Kemal Ataturk of Turkey and General De Gaulle of France. Let us
hope Musharraf succeeds as the Ataturk of Pakistan, an ambition he
expressed after his coup in October 1999.
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